p. 31). Voters are more interested in political results than in political programmes, and the choice is also made from this perspective. They find that partisan identification becomes more stable with age, so the older you get, the more partisan identification you have, so it's much easier to change when you're young. preferences and positions. The sociological model obviously has a number of limitations like any voting model or any set of social science theories. We must also take into account other socializing agents that can socialize us and make us develop a form of partisan identification. Political Behaviour: Historical and methodological benchmarks, The structural foundations of political behaviour, The cultural basis of political behaviour, PEOPLE'S CHOICE: how the voter makes up his mind in a presidential campaign, https://doi.org/10.1177/000271624926100137, https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414094027002001, https://baripedia.org/index.php?title=Theoretical_models_of_voting_behaviour&oldid=49464, Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-SA 4.0). xb```f`` @f8F F'-pWs$I*Xe<
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It is the state of the economy that will decide who will win the election or not. The theory of the economic model of the vote is also a model that allows predictions to be made about party behaviour. For the sociological model we have talked about the index of political predisposition with the variables of socioeconomic, religious and spatial status. A distinction can be made between the simple proximity model, which is the Downs model, and the proximity model with Grofman discounting. Comparative Political Studies, 27(2), 155189. There are two variations. Here we see the key factors, namely electoral choice and, at the centre, the identification variable for a party, which depends on two types of factors, namely primary socialization and group membership. The initial formation of this model was very deterministic in wanting to focus on the role of social inclusion while neglecting other aspects, even though today there is increasingly a kind of ecumenical attempt to have an explanation that takes into account different aspects. 3105. The book's focus was sociological, mainly considering socio-demographic predictors, interpersonal influence, cross-pressures, and the effects of social groups, as well as analyzing voter activation, reinforcement, and conversion across the election year. <]>>
This is called retrospective voting, which means that we are not looking at what the parties said in their platforms, but rather at what the parties did before. This model leaves little room for the ideology which is the idea that by putting so much emphasis on the emotional voter and feelings, it leaves little room for the ideology that is central to explaining the economic model of the vote. Iversena proposed a way of classifying the different explanatory theories of voting that allow to add a very important element that has been neglected until now. Some parties have short-term strategies for maximizing voting and others have long-term strategies for social mobilization. There are also intermediate variables that relate to loyalties to a certain group or sense of belonging. There is the important opposition between an economic vote based on a choice, which is the idea that the voter makes a real choice based on a cost-benefit calculation, a choice that is rational in the end according to Weber's typology, while the psycho-sociological vote is rather based on a concept of loyalty that often makes the opposition between choice and loyalty. 0000000636 00000 n
This is linked to a decrease in class voting and a loss of traditional cleavages. With regard to the limits, methodological individualism has often been evoked, saying that it is an exclusively micro-sociological perspective that neglects the effect of social structure. It is a rather descriptive model, at least in its early stages. Certain developments in the theory of the psycho-sociological model have in fact provided answers to these criticisms. A distinction is made between the sociological model of voting from the Columbia School, which refers to the university where this model was developed. In this approach, these voters keep their partisan identification and again in the medium or long term, they will go back on the electoral choice that is identified with the partisan identification, also called the homing tendency, which is a tendency to go back on the party with which one identifies. those who inquire: they are willing to pay these costs. In Personality traits and party identification over time published in 2014 by Bakker, Hopmann and Persson, the authors attempt to explain partisan identification. We worked with a sample of 516 Argentinean adults, aged 18 to 75. This has created a research paradigm which is perhaps the dominant paradigm today. social determinism Today, there is an attempt to combine the different explanations trying to take into account, both sociological determinants but also the emotional and affective component as well as the component related to choice and calculation. There is in fact the idea that the choices and preferences of voters in the centre will cause the parties, since they are aiming in this model, to try to maximize their electoral support. While Downs said that there are parties that take positions on issues, the voter has difficulty with this inferring a position on a left-right axis. . 0
In their view, ideology is a means of predicting political positions on a significant number of issues and also a basis for credible and consistent engagement by the party or candidate that follows it. 0000011193 00000 n
Voters assess the utility income of parties and candidates. What explains historical variation in voter turnout? Proximity can be calculated on the basis of the programmes and actual positions declared by the parties or on the basis of a discount factor, a perception factor or a difference factor according to the discount model. The first question is how to assess the position of the different parties and candidates, since we start from the idea of projecting voters' political preferences and party projections onto a map. 2, 1957, pp. Finally, they can vote for the candidate who is most likely in the voters' perception to change things in a way or in a way that leaves them the most satisfied. It is because we are rational, and if we are rational, rationality means maximizing our usefulness on the basis of the closeness we can have with a party. We want to know how and why a voter will vote for a certain party. Prospective voting says that the evaluation is based on what the parties and candidates are going to say. McClung Lee, A. An important factor is the role of political campaigns in influencing the vote. The economic model of the vote puts the notion of electoral choice back at the centre. Pp. A unified theory of voting: directional and proximity spatial models. how does partisan identification develop? The Logics of Electoral Politics. 65, no. This model explains for Downs why we abstain. The fit of a measurement model that differentiates between the various degrees of suicidal severity was verified. One possible strategy to reduce costs is to base oneself on ideology. It is a variant of the simple proximity model which remains in the idea of proximity but which adds an element which makes it possible to explain certain voting behaviours which would not be explainable by other models. The basic assumption is that voters decide primarily on the basis of ideologies and not on the basis of specific positions on issues. A third criticism of the simple proximity model is the idea of the median voter, which is the idea that all voters group around the centre, so parties, based on this observation, will maximize their electoral support at the centre, and therefore if they are rational, parties will tend to be located more at the centre. It is also often referred to as a point of indifference because there are places where the voter cannot decide. This model shows that there is more than political identities, partisan identification and social inking. They are both proximity choices and directional choices with intensity, since there are voters who may choose intensity and others who may choose direction. The first answer is that basically, they vote according to their position, according to their social characteristics or according to their socialization, which refers to the sociological model. But there are studies that also show that the causal relationship goes in the other direction. The main explanatory factors have been sought in socio-economic status and socio-demographic variables such as "age," "gender," and "education. Three notions must be distinguished: a phase of political alignment (1), which is when there is a strengthening of partisan loyalties, i.e. There is a whole literature on opinion formation, quite consensually, that says that citizens have a limited capacity to process information. These two proximity models are opposed to two other models that are called directional models with Matthews' simple directional model but especially Rabinowitz's directional model with intensity. As the authors of The American Voter put In other words, they propose something quite ecumenical that combines directional and proximity models. Distance must be taken into account and the idea of mobilizing the electorate must be taken into account. Does partisan identification work outside the United States? One of the answers within spatial theories is based on this criticism that voters are not these cognitively strong beings as the original Downs theory presupposes. First, they summarize the literature that has been interested in explaining why voters vary or differ in the stability or strength of their partisan identification. A distinction is often made between two types of voters and votes between the: There are these two types and a whole literature on the different types of euristics that can be set up. The same can be said of the directional model with intensity. This is the idea of collective action, since our own contribution to an election or vote changes with the number of other citizens who vote. It is also possible to add that the weight of partisan identification varies from one voter to another. So, we are going to the extremes precisely because we are trying to mobilize an electorate. Thus, voters find it easier to assess performance than declared plans during an election campaign. In other words, they are voters who are not prepared to pay all these costs and therefore want to reduce or improve the cost-benefit ratio which is the basis of this electoral choice by reducing the costs and the benefit will remain unchanged. We project voters' preferences and political positions, that is, the positions that parties have on certain issues and for the preferences that voters have on certain issues. The assumption is that mobilizing an electorate is done by taking clear positions and not a centrist position. The idea of intensity can also be seen as the idea that there are certain issues, that there are certain political positions that put forward symbols and some of these symbols evoke making these two issues more visible to voters but in the sense of making voters say that this particular party is going in that direction and with a high intensity. The idea is that a party is ready to lose an election in order to give itself the means to win it later by giving itself time to form an electorate. There have been attempts to address this anomaly. Hirschman contrasts the "exit" strategy with the "voice" strategy, which is based on what he calls "loyalty", which is that one can choose not to leave but to make the organization change, to restore the balance between one's own aspirations and what the organization can offer. Numerous studies have found that voting behavior and political acts can be "contagious . The function of partisan identification is to allow the voter to face political information and to know which party to vote for. There are other variants or models that try to accommodate this complexity. The second criticism is the lack of an adequate theory of preference formation. The personality model highlights the importance of childhood experiences for political behavior and belief in adulthood; the sociological model highlights the importance of primary and interest . There are other cleavages that cut across Republicans and Democrats that should be taken into account to explain the pattern. (1949). The individual is subjectivity at the centre of the analysis. Ideology is to be understood as a way of simplifying our world in relation to the problem of information. Psychological Models of American Voting Behavior* DAVID KNOKE, Indiana University ABSTRACT A path model of the presidential vote involving social variables, party identification, issue orientations, . The economic model has put the rational and free citizen back at the centre of attention and reflection, whereas if we push the sociological model a bit to the extreme, it puts in second place this freedom and this free will that voters can make since the psycho-sociological model tells us that voting is determined by social position, it is not really an electoral choice that we make in the end but it is simply the result of our social insertion or our attachment to a party. Candidate choices are made towards parties or candidates who are going in the same direction as the voter, this being understood as the voters' political preferences on a given issue. Video transcript. Finally, some studies show that high levels of education lead to weaker attachments to parties. "i.e., if it is proximity, it is 'yes', otherwise it is 'no' and therefore directional; 'are the preferences of the actors exogenous? He wanted to see the role of the media in particular and also the role of opinion leaders and therefore, the influences that certain people can have in the electoral choice. This idea of an issue was not invented by the proponents of the economic model of voting but was already present in the psycho-sociological model. In this case, there may be other factors that can contribute to the voter choice; and all parties that are on the other side of the neutral point minimize the voter's utility, so the voter will not vote for that party all other things being equal. The extent to which the usefulness of voters' choices varies from candidate to candidate, but also from voter to voter. We talk about the electoral market in the media or the electoral supply. This is the median voter theory. The choice of candidates is made both according to direction but also according to the intensity of positions on a given issue. By finding something else, he shaped a dominant theory explaining the vote. Economic theories of voting explain both voter turnout (1) and electoral choice (2). 1948, Berelson et . Has the partisan identification weakened? The reference work is The Peoples Choice published in 1948 by Lazarsfeld, Berelson and Gaudet. There are certain types of factors that influence other types of factors and that in turn influence other types of factors and that ultimately help explain the idea of the causal funnel of electoral choice. Basic Idea What you are vote choice ; Key foundational studies ; Lazarsfeld, Berelson, Gaudet (1944) The Peoples Choice Berelson, Lazarsfeld, McPhee (1954) Voting 135150. Lazarsfeld was the first to study voting behaviour empirically with survey data, based on individual data, thus differentiating himself from early studies at the aggregate level of electoral geography. Hirschman wanted to explain what happens in organizations when they enter a situation of crisis or decline. Various explanations have been offered over the roughly 70-year history of voting behavior research, but two explanations in particular have garnered the most attention and generated the most debate in the literature on voting behavior. On the basis of this, we can know. The 'funnel of causality' provided a convenient framework within which to pursue both a comprehensive program of electoral accounting and a more selective strategy of explanation. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 261(1), 194194. If we take into account Przeworski and Sprague's idea that there can be a mobilization of the electorate in a logic of endogenous preference and non-maximization of the utility of voters. When you vote, you are taking your personal time and effort to advance the collective good, without any guarantee of personal rewardthe very heart of what it means to be altruistic. The advantage of the intensity directional model is that it goes in a more intense direction, i.e. There has also been the emergence of empirical criticisms which have shown that the role of partisan identification has tended to decrease sharply and therefore an increase in the role of the issues and in particular the role of the cognitive evaluation that the actors make in relation to certain issues. emotional ties between voters and parties; a phase of political misalignment (2), which may be the one we are currently in in Europe since the economic crisis, which is a weakening of partisan loyalties resulting in increased electoral volatility, i.e. The idea is to see what are all the factors that explain the electoral choice. Then a second question was supposed to measure the strength of that identification with the question "do you consider yourself a Republican, strong, weak or leaning towards the Democratic Party? The importance of symbolic politics is especially capitalized on by the intensity directional models. If voters, who prefer more extreme options, no longer find these options within the party they voted for, then they will look elsewhere and vote for another party. Personality traits and party identification over time. For Iversen, distance is also important. Print. The importance of symbols lies in what arouses emotions. The third criterion is rationality, which is that based on the theory of rational choice, voters mobilize the limited means at their disposal to achieve their goals, so they will choose the alternative among the political offer that costs them the least and brings them the greatest possible benefit. Even if there is still a significant effect of identification, there are other explanations and aspects to look for, particularly in terms of the issue vote and the assessments that different voters make of the issue vote. If we take into account Przeworski and Sprague's idea that preferences are exogenous and not endogenous, it is possible to create a typology as Iversen did. trailer
There are several theories emphasizing different factors which may shape citizens' voting behavior. The simple proximity model is that the voter will vote for the party or parties that are in the same direction. The directional model also provides some answers to this criticism. Three Models of Voting Behavior. There are different strategies that are studied in the literature. The reference work is The People's Choice published in 1948 by Lazarsfeld, Berelson and Gaudet. does partisan identification work outside the United States? Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan Education, 1987. The distance must be assessed on the basis of what the current policy is. This identification is seen as contributing to an individual's self-image. When the voter is in the same position, i.e. Voters try to maximize the usefulness of the vote, that is, they try to vote for the party that makes them more satisfied. They find that conscientious and neurotic people tend not to identify with a political party. There is a small bridge that is made between these two theories with Fiorina on the one hand and the Michigan model of another party that puts the concept of partisan identification at the centre and that conceives of this concept in a very different way, especially with regard to its origin. The theories that are supposed to explain the electoral choice also explain at the same time the electoral participation in particular with the sociological model. In other words, the homing tendency that is the explanation that the model postulates is much less true outside the United States. This electoral volatility, especially in a period of political misalignment, is becoming more and more important and is increasingly overshadowed by this type of explanation. It is an explanation that is completely outside the logic of proximity and the spatial logic of voting. According to Downs, based on the prospective assessment that voters make of the position that voters have and their position on various issues, voters arrive at and operate this shortcut by situating and bringing parties back to an ideological dimension that may be a left-right dimension but may also be another one. Symbolic politics says that what is important in politics are not necessarily the rationally perceived positions or the political positions of the parties but what the political symbols evoke in relation to certain issues. We end up with a configuration where there is an electorate that is at the centre, there are party activists who are exercising the "voice" and who have access to the extreme, and there are party leaderships that are in between. Professor Political Science Buena Vista University Two basic concerns: Turnout ("Who votes?") Key questions: What are the characteristics and attitudes of voters vs. nonvoters? There are two slightly different connotations. On the other hand, the focus is on the political goals of the voters, whereas the psychological model puts a little more emphasis on the social use of the vote. Later, their analysis saw that party identification and attachment was the most common factor. Applied to the electorate, this means no longer voting for one party and going to vote for another party. Many researchers have criticised the Downs proximity model in particular. It is a moment when social cleavages directly influence the vote in this approach and therefore the sociological model, perhaps, at that moment, better explains the vote. The Peoples Choice: How the Voter Makes Up His Mind in a Presidential Campaign. Finally, there is an instrumental approach to information and voting. In Person: 971 W Duval St. Ste. In directional models with intensity, there are models that try to show how the salience of different issues changes from one group to another, from one social group to another, or from one candidate and one party to another. There are a whole bunch of individual characteristics related to the fact that one is more of a systematic voter of something else. Fiorina also talks about partisan identification, that is to say that there is a possible convergence between these different theories. These spatial theories start from the assumption that there is a voter or voters who have political preferences with respect to certain issues, but completely discard the explanation of how these preferences are formed. We can talk about two major theories or two major models or even three models. Theoretically, it is possible to have as many dimensions as there are issues being discussed in an election campaign. These explanations are known as the Columbia Model and the Michigan Model, and describing these two . In order to explain this anomaly, another explanation beside the curvilinear explanation beside the directional theories of the vote, a third possibility to explain this would be to say that there are some parties that abandon the idea of maximizing the vote or electoral support in order to mobilize this electorate and for this we have to go to extremes. Since the economic crisis, there has been an increasing focus on the economic crisis and economic conditions and how that can explain electoral volatility and electoral change. The initial formulation of the model is based on the Downs theory in An Economic Theory of Democracy publi en 1957. It is in this sense that the party identification model provides an answer to this criticism that the sociological model does not highlight the mechanisms that make a certain social inking influence a certain electoral choice. One must assess the value of one's own participation and also assess the number of other citizens who will vote. $2.75. . This creates a concern for circularity of reasoning. It is possible to create a typology that distinguishes between four approaches crossing two important and crucial elements: "is voting spatial? Some have criticized this model saying that it puts forward the one-dimensional image of the human being and politics, that is, that it is purely rational, hypercognitive in a way without taking into account sociological but also psychological elements. A set of theories has given some answers. This model has given rise to the spatial theories of voting which are the dominant theories. to 1/n,and thus the expected utility of voting is proportional to N/n, which is approximately independent of the size of the electorate.3 In the basic rational-choice model of voting and political participation (see Blais 2000 for an overview and many references), the relative util-ity of voting, for a particular eligible voter, is: U = pB . Fiorina proposed the question of how to evaluate the position of different parties and candidates: how can voters know what the position of different parties is during an election campaign? Another possible strategy is to rely on the judgment of others such as opinion leaders. We see the kinship of this model with the sociological model explaining that often they are put together. The idea of prospective voting is very demanding. HUr0c:*+ $ifrh
b98ih+I?v1q7q>. In other words, there is the idea of utility maximization which is a key concept in rational choice theory, so the voter wants to maximize his utility and his utility is calculated according to the ratio between the cost and the benefit that can be obtained from the action, in this case going to vote (1) and going to vote for that party rather than this one (2). Numerous studies examine voting behavior based on the formal theoretical predictions of the spatial utility model. The psycho-sociological model is intended as a development that wants to respond to this criticism. Today, this may be less true, but until a certain point, there were relatively few empirical analyses based on the economic model of the vote. They try to elaborate a bit and find out empirically how this happens. 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Hirschman wanted to explain the pattern their analysis saw that party identification attachment!
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